Souvenirs, Materiality and Memory: Objects, Representation and Place-making of Berlin.

“Oh, I forgot to buy my family their souvenirs!”

I had been hearing about souvenirs all week; people wanting them, not wanting them, finding them too political, too strange, too generic, and too expensive. I began to wonder, were people considering what memories were attached to the items and to the places they came from, or where they just fulfilling some unspoken rule about buying presents for people back home? Where they really associated with place and memory in the way I thought they were?

Souvenirs are often defined in geographical theory spatiality; souvenirs are defined as objects tied to certain places, emotionally or otherwise, and are often then absorbed into our “everyday” experiences of place back at home when they are put on display or used in place.

What makes a souvenir representative of a place? Is it the objects glocal ties? Is it the symbology associated with space like the Berlin bear or Ampelmann? Or is it the emotions you attach to the object because it comes from a memorable place?

For me, many of these souvenirs did not represent Berlin. Why was the Berlin “Chocolate Wall” so jarring? I was likely the location of the object in relation to the Mauer memorial and viewing tower, or the fact that it was the only tourist focused souvenir I found near the infamous Bernauer Strasse. The novelty of the item made me feel uneasy, for me the political association of even the idea of the wall was too serious to be associated with a novelty or joke product; however many of the souvenirs I found in Berlin represented this almost joking relationship between the city of Berlin and its history. Jokes about the Wall and the almost banal everyday geopolitics inherent in every souvenir and representation of the city seemed to strike me; Berlins souvenirs represented a comedy I didn’t find in the built environment of the city. I found the city fun, but a large focus of the city’s built environment was memorialisation, not humour. The way I felt I represented the city in the discussions I was having with my peers was almost at odds with the souvenirs of Berlin I brought home with me or talked about with my family on my return to England.

Douglass, H (2019): Souvenir Condom in the Ampelmann Shop

Douglass, H (2019) The Berlin Chocolate Wall Souvenir by the Preserved Viewing Tower

My “versions” of Berlin did not match up to others upon reflection and the versions of the city I brought home were not truly representative of my experiences of the space and politics of the city, although I found Berlin a very sex positive and sexuality heavy city, I felt I could not by my family a souvenir that represented this side of the spaces I encountered. By favourite souvenir from the trip represented my positive relationship with friends and colleagues in a gay bar in a quieter part of town, and yet the souvenir I chose to bring home to my family was an artistically framed magnet of the Brandenburg Tor. The selective representation of Berlin by souvenirs made me look at the city at an unusual angle, a new angle each time, and yet I was not showing others these representations of the city I experienced, loved and knew. I felt that picking particular souvenirs to bring home represented the city in particular way to my family and friend waiting for my verdict on my experience if the city. Souvenirs, although they represented the space of the city, could never reflect my particular way of seeing or experiencing the city whilst I was there.

Choudhury, T (2019) My Favourite Berlin Souvenir

A colleague of mine also noted how she felt obligated to get a souvenir picture of a Stein, at the Tor; a collection, nay a checklist, of ways of proving you had “properly experienced” Berlin and collecting a set of souvenir photographs; and how this conflicted with their sense of the city and their genuine enjoyment of sites of interest off the beaten track. I reflected that an obsession with obtaining souvenirs of a space can may change how you experience the space at the time, souvenirs represent space, but perhaps they also influence how we think about how we will *have* to memorialise the space to legitimate our travel there. Was our experience not souvenir enough? Having physical (or image based) souvenirs of visits seemed to be influencing how we navigated the city whilst we were still in it.

Souvenirs I have from the trip vary in their significance, relation to place, and personal emotional geographies I may never be able to explain to others. But souvenirs greatly impacted how I engaged with the space of the city with others for the rest of time, a material reflection on my time in the space of Berlin. Souvenirs became much more important to my experience of space than I came to realise, and I have placed a new value on them in geographical terms.

Related readings:

Berger, J. (1973), Ways of Seeing, London: Penguin Books.

Peters, K. (2011). Negotiating the ‘place’and ‘placement’of banal tourist souvenirs in the home. Tourism Geographies, 13(2), 234-256.

Collins-Kreiner, N., & Zins, Y. (2011). Tourists and souvenirs: changes through time, space and meaning. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 6(1), 17-27.

Swanson, K. K., & Timothy, D. J. (2012). Souvenirs: Icons of meaning, commercialization and commoditization. Tourism Management, 33(3), 489-499.

The Visibility of the European Union in Berlin

The outcome of the 2016 EU referendum in the UK set in motion the process of withdrawing from the European Union (EU). A rise in populism and nationalism combined with growing socio-economic inequalities have been attributed to people voting to leave, amid feeling a sense of powerlessness (Bachmann & Sidaway, 2016). Contrasting the UK to Germany, but more specifically Berlin, I noticed how the EU appeared more visibly within the city through symbols and images such as EU flags and plaques. A possible starting point in explaining this is that a higher number of German citizens are satisfied with the EU than not (The Local, 2016). Similarly, 75% of Germans felt that they would be likely to embrace a European identity compared with only 36% in the UK (Ormston, 2015). It is important to acknowledge that in Berlin there are multiple sites which produce EU geopolitics (Ó Tuathail & Dalby, 1998). I will illustrate these multiple sites through three examples: the EU flag on the Reichstag, an EU plaque in Kreuzberg, and finally the European Union Experience (Erlebnis Europa).

The EU Flag

Whilst travelling around, one of the most visible reminders of the EU was the constant sight of the EU flag, flying prominently from government buildings and hotels. The flag symbolises a shared European identity (Nelsen & Guth, 2016) with shared values and common laws across EU member states. The image below shows the flag flying from the Reichstag, the German Parliament building. It is also possible to see the glass-domed roof of the Reichstag; this roof is a symbol for German political transparency (Singh, 2012). I feel that having both the flag and roof parallel to each other suggests common values that they share. Being flown from the German Parliament building may also suggest the continuing importance of the EU in the German political landscape. The flag being placed on this building may act as a banal reminder (Billig, 1995) to German citizens that they are also part of a combined European nation too.

Reichstag displaying the EU flag (Hudson, 2018)

Heritage and Culture

The promotion of heritage and culture in Berlin is vital to making it an inclusive, multicultural city. Walking around the city I was not only aware of the EU flags but also saw a large number of plaques at the entrances to museums, exhibitions, and community centres, which were displaying the EU logo. They acted as a constant reminder of the financial contribution and support that the EU provides towards heritage and culture. The image below shows a plaque at a multi-generation community centre in the Kreuzberg neighbourhood of Berlin. A large number of the residents in this area were of Turkish origin. Inside, the centre lived up to its name – with young children, parents, elderly residents all socialising and utilising the facilities available. The centre helps migrant communities in Kreuzberg, who are facing the prospect of eviction, driven by gentrification (Güney et al., 2017). This view was also reinforced by a volunteer who worked at the centre, he showed us campaign leaflets that were being distributed to local residents and businesses to help build solidarity against evictions. Investment by the EU into cultural projects has been recognised as a way of facilitating European integration of communities who are marginalised (Vos, 2017). The support from the EU in the case of this community centre provides people of different ages and backgrounds with a space where they can feel a sense of belonging, rather than being faced with exclusion in the city.

Multi-Generation House in Kreuzberg (Hudson, 2018)

Erlebnis Europa

The ‘Europa Experience’, located inside the European House offers an immersive experience with an interactive exhibition and 360^O cinema where visitors can learn about the role and functions of the EU. The official website for the experience states that “Europe is in the heart of Berlin” (Erlebnis Europa, 2018). European House, certainly is positioned at the ‘heart’ of Berlin, centrally located in the city near landmarks such as the Brandenburg Gate and the Reichstag. Importantly, it is also located within a short distance of a number of embassies such as France, Britain, USA, and Russia. This experience certainly makes the EU more visible in the busting centre of Berlin, but also accessible to all with its interactive and immersive approach.

Europa Experience inside European House (Hudson, 2018)

There is something for us all then to consider for the future when visiting different member countries of the European Union. How visible is membership of the EU in the landscape of towns and cities? Also, in what way(s) is it worked into the landscape of these places?

 

References and suggestions for further reading

Bachmann, V. and Sidaway, J. D. (2016) ‘Brexit Geopolitics’, Geoforum, 77, pp. 47-50.

Billig, M. (1995) Banal Nationalism. London: SAGE Publications.

Erlebnis Europa (2018) Welcome to Europa Experience! Available at: https://erlebnis-europa.eu/ (Accessed: 28 April 2018).

Güney, S., Kabaş, B. and Pekman, C. (2017) ‘The Existential Struggle of Second-Generation Turkish Immigrants in Kreuzberg: Answering Spatiotemporal Change’, Space and Culture, 20(1), pp. 42-55.

Nelsen, B. F. and Guth, J. L. (2016) ‘Religion and the Creation of European Identity: The Message of the Flags’, The Review of Faith & International Affairs, 14(1), pp. 80-88.

Ormston, R. (2015) Do we feel European and does it matter? London: NatCen Social Research.

Ó Tuathail, G. and Dalby, S. (1998) ‘Introduction: Rethinking geopolitics: towards a critical geopolitics’, in Ó Tuathail, G. and Dalby, S. (eds.) Rethinking Geopolitics. London: Routledge, pp. 1-15.

Singh, A. (2012) ‘‘Habermas’ Wrapped Reichstag: Limits and Exclusions in the Discourse of Post-secularism’, European Review, 20(1), pp. 131-147.

The Local (2016) Post-Brexit, Germans feel more positively about the EU. Available at: https://www.thelocal.de/20160708/post-brexit-germans-feel-more-positively-about-the-eu (Accessed: 28 April 2018).

Vos, C. (2017) ‘European integration through ‘soft conditionality’. The contribution of culture to EU enlargement in Southeast Europe’, International Journal of Cultural Policy, 23(6), pp. 675-689.

Viewing the Berlin Wall from the Saddle

On the morning of my fieldwork I woke up early to ‘sneak’ out of the hotel on a rental bike so that the lecturers didn’t see me as I rode off into a wet and snowy Berlin to conduct my research. I ‘snuck’ off because I was afraid that the lecturers wouldn’t let me cycle through Berlin for fear of me getting myself run over. Although this was just me probably overthinking it, I believe it perfectly sums up the difference in attitudes towards cycling in Leicester and Berlin.  Whereas Berliners see cycling as a cheap, fast, environmentally friendly, healthy, practical, convenient and safe way of travelling (Visit Berlin, 2018), us Brits see it as a slow, tiring and dangerous mode of transport. I cycled from the hotel by East Side Gallery to Mauer Park and back along the Berliner Mauerweg (The Berlin Wall Trail), which traces the course of the former Berlin Wall, marked by a simple cobblestone line in the ground, running interminably through the city.

https://youtu.be/U5QVvrD4LZI

This first video is what I assumed my lecturers would have associated cycling with. It appears to show some of the main disadvantages of cycling; wet, surrounded by cars and breathing in the exhaust fumes of the big tourist bus. However, for me, through the embodied experience of cycling, it was much more. Germany has made cycling a safe, convenient and practical way to get around its cities through key policies and innovative measures, such as priority traffic signals for cyclists, and stringent training of motorists to respect cyclists (Pucher & Buehler, 2008). This was immediately evident, as motorists seemed to be aware of my presence and let me travel through the city safely and unencumbered.

https://youtu.be/RvMNBe9sDJU

This second video better depicts some of cycling’s benefits, a convenient, safe and enjoyable mode of transport, even if it was still cold and wet. This is thanks to Berlin’s cycle friendly infrastructure, which goes hand in hand with the positive attitude towards cycling. The sooner I realised cycling was not a dangerous experience, the sooner I was able to appreciate and embrace the Berliner Mauerweg.

The stark differences between the two videos, which were filmed within a kilometre of each other, highlight how cycling allows a rider to experience a city in many ways, because they are exposed to a much less managed and more varied sensescape (Jones, 2005). This allowed me to be what some might call an ‘unruly cyclist’, switching between cycle paths and the road and weaving in and out of traffic to follow the cobblestones. This gave me a lot more freedom to follow and experience this scar of the Berlin Wall in the cityscape, because as a cyclist I fit into neither category of vehicle nor pedestrian, neither of which would have been able to traverse roads and paths to follow the Wall as I did on a bike. Cycling also allowed me to experience the cityscape in a way that no other form of mobility can, because I was exposed to the surrounding environment (Jungnickel & Aldred , 2014). Although as a pedestrian I was also exposed to the city, cycling is different because it required me to continuously confront the emerging landscape to ensure safe progress (Cook and Edensor, 2017). Here, one of the major disadvantages of cycling; safety, is transformed into a major advantage, in how it made me more alert of my surroundings. This gives an embodied experience of the city because I was immersed in constantly scanning around me for hazards and was in constant contact with the ground through the extended touch of the wheels. Although this shortened my gaze, it also heightened it to give me a unique view of the city from the saddle.

These ways in which cycling shaped my experience of Berlin can best seen through my interaction with the Berliner Mauerweg, following the cobblestone line through the city. As I cycled along this, for 26km I repeatedly crossed from East to West and West to East. I couldn’t help but think of the geopolitical significance that such a small turn of the handlebars had. I was captivated by the freedom to cross this cobblestone line, where nearly 30 years ago the notorious Berlin Wall stood. Here, the freedom of cycling, and the freedom that the absence of the Wall symbolised since the end of the Cold War seemed to complement each other and come together to give me a wholly liberated experience of Berlin. It is hard to fully express this freedom that cycling gives you in experiencing a new city, without cycling for yourself, so the best way to understand it, is to try it.

Suggested Further Reading and References:

Jones, P. (2005) Performing the city: a body and bicycle take on Birmingham, UK, Social and Cultural Geography, 6(6), pp.813-830.

Jungnickel, K. and Aldred, R. (2014) Cycling’s Sensory Strategies: How Cyclists Mediate their Exposure to the Urban Environment, Mobilities, 9(2), pp.238-255.

Pucher, J. and Buehler, R. (2008) Making Cycling Irresistible: Lessons from the Netherlands, Denmark and Gemrny, Transport Reviews, 28(4), pp.495-528.

Spinney, J. (2007) Cycling the City, Non-Place and the Sensory Construction of Meaning in a Mobile Practice, IN (Horton, D; rosen, P. and Cox, P. (eds.) Cycling and Society, London: Ashgate Publishing.

Visit Berlin (2018) Cycling in Berlin, Available at: https://www.visitberlin.de/en/cycling-berlin, (Accessed 15^th May, 2018).

The Olympiastadion Experience: Football and Representation in Berlin

Football undoubtedly contributes towards Germany’s identity as a nation. On my visit to the Olympiastadion, I experienced the stadium as a powerful ‘representational’ space (Bale, 1998: 271). Drawing from my experience of watching football in England, I understand that stadia crowds can generate an overwhelming ‘emotional niche’; unusual sites of intense passion which are rationalised by societal norms (Schafer and Roose, 2010). By interpreting videos, images and audio recordings, I reflect upon my unique urban experience of an international football match between Germany and Brazil in Berlin.

On my walk towards the Olympiastadion, the atmosphere was energetic as noisy German fans gathered outside the ground. I could sense the excitement and pride of travelling Brazilian fans, chanting and dancing outside the turnstiles. I was caught up in a collective space of patriotism and joy where people bonded through their national colours. For me, this illustrated how fandom can nurture and shape particularly complex emotions which extend far beyond the terraces (Ashmore, 2017: 31).

On first sight of the Olympiastadion, I was very impressed by the architectural grandeur. Then, as I paused to make sense of the stadia’s past, I found it impossible to overlook the geopolitical events of the last century. Given that the stadium hosted the controversial 1936 Olympic Games, I found myself considering Olympiastadion as an architectural relic of Nazi Germany. History was everywhere. Just outside the stadium, spectators congregated down ‘Jesse-Owens-Allee’.

The street name is important because it serves to memorialise the African American athlete who won four gold medals at the Olympics, contesting Hitler’s claim of Aryan racial superiority (Large, 2007). I found this very thought provoking, prompting me to reflect upon the significant political changes which have occurred in the modern history of Berlin. After a few minutes had passed, my thoughts quickly returned to the football and I entered through the turnstile.

As I walked into the stadium, I was instantly drawn to the strength of national pride within the atmosphere. I walked up the steps to find my seat, feeling the buzz of some 74,000 football fans eagerly anticipating the spectacle. Initially, it surprised me that there was no section of the crowd exclusively for Brazilian fans, instead, spectators were sat alongside each other. I hadn’t witnessed this type of arrangement in England and it made me feel particularly welcome as a visitor. Before the match started, national anthems were played and I found myself reflecting on history once again. The  ‘Deutschlandlied’ anthem has represented Germany in various forms since 1922. Originally, the first stanza began ”Deutschland, Deutschland uber alles” which directly translates to “Germany, Germany above all else”. But, following the Second World War, given the first stanzas association with Nazi Germany, it was instead replaced by the third stanza. Despite this, the music has remained unchanged which created quite a reflective atmosphere when it was played before the match.

On a separate note, I believe that international football plays an important role in continuing to enhance feelings of togetherness in Germany, moving beyond narratives of separation which existed throughout the Cold War. For example, Germany’s EURO 2024 slogan ‘#UnitedByFootball’ was visually displayed at the match. Arguably, this motto illustrates the sentiment of a modern, forward-looking Germany. In effect, football could be seen as a leading force for reconfiguring contemporary national identities (Hunter, 2003: 422). Moreover, given the prominence of families and children at the event, I would consider that football fandom in Germany is very friendly in comparison to some English football stadiums I have visited in the past. This comparison continued when reflecting upon the police presence. Whilst there were armed police inside and outside the stadium, they were far from intimidating. The police were actually inviting travelling Brazil fans to take pictures with them which surprised me given that police in England often pay more attention to separating the rowdy home and away fans.

The experience I had has certainly provoked me to think of German football culture as a force of national and international unity. Also, I found that the Olympiastadion experience differed vastly to what I have encountered in England. Looking back, it is clear that the Olympiastadion can be understood as both a sporting venue and a geopolitical entity.

Reference List and Suggested Further Reading
Ashmore, P. (2017) ‘Of other atmospheres: football spectatorship beyond the terrace chant’, Soccer & Society, 18 (1), pp. 30-46.

Bale, J. (1998) ‘Futurescapes of football’ in Brown, A. (eds) Fanatics! Power, Identity and Fandom in Football. Routledge, pp. 265-278.

Hunter, J. (2003) ‘Flying the flag: Identities, the nation, and sport’, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 10(4), pp.409-425.

Jarvie, G. (2003) ‘Internationalism and Sport in the Making of Nations’, Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power, 10 (4), pp. 537-551.

Large, D. (2007) Nazi Games: The Olympics of 1936. New York: W.W. Norton

Schäfer, M.S. and Roose, J. (2010) ‘Emotions in sports stadia’ in Frank, S. and Steets, S. (eds) Stadium worlds: Football, space and the built environment. Routledge, pp. 229-244.

Tamir, I. (2014) ‘The decline of nationalism among football fans’, Television & New Media, 15 (8), pp. 741-745.

United by football (2018) To gather a further understanding of football as a force for re-branding Germany’s national identity, visit this website: https://united-by-football.de/en/

Graffiti: an act of expression or destruction?

From the very first moment I stepped into the streets of Berlin, I was astounded by the street art and graffiti that consumed majority, if not all, of the buildings. I come from inner-city London so I see graffiti everywhere, but the vastness of the street art and graffiti in Berlin was something so new me; it was on abandoned buildings, family homes and memorial plaques. This therefore made me question whether the graffiti was a form of positive art and expression, or in fact an act of destruction.
To offer some background information, graffiti and street art coincided with the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1969, as West Berliners began to express their anger and frustration towards their divided city (Berlin Street Art, 2016), and began to “overcome the wall by painting on the wall” (Lorey and Ganster, 2005: 34). Though the west side of the Wall flourished with graffiti and vibrant statements and opinions from artists, the east side was left blank, signifying the social and cultural disparities between East and West Berlin (Berlin Street Art, 2016). However, after the reunification of Berlin in 1989, the East Berliners, who were formally stripped off their political and social freedom began to assert their new found freedom by ‘graffitiying’ the Wall and streets of Berlin (White and Gutting, 1998).

The Berlin Wall, East Side Gallery. Source: thewanderblogger.com, Shumate (2015)

The Wall is a constantly changing place of expression for the everyday geopolitics across Germany and Europe as a whole (Lorey and Ganster, 2005). The East Side Gallery illustrates the ways graffiti can be interpreted as a form of protest, featuring 105 different murals, using the Wall as “authentic vehicle that symbolises their desired political change and personal freedom” (Cabral, 2017: n.p). However, it is not only on the wall where political graffiti is illustrated, stickers, posters and murals are displayed all around the city saying: “’Love art hate cops”, “Stop Wars”, “Refugees Welcome” and “Nazis No”, all reflecting Berlin’s newly ‘liberal’ ethos (White and Gutting, 1998: 223).

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However, despite the positivity and political freedom reflected in the large murals and graffiti, the streets of Berlin is also covered with random ‘tags’ and scribbles that have a less aesthetic appeal. These types of graffiti are seen as acts of destruction, as they don’t require much thought or imagination, and therefore done carelessly by random individuals and groups (Cabral, 2017). I believe this takes away from the political freedom as ‘vandals’ are destructing memorial plaques and residential homes. For instance the sign dedicating to May-Ayim-Ufer in Kreuzburg, who was a leading figure in the anti-colonial and anti-racism struggles in Germany. Tagging over a memorial and interacting with the space in such a negative way, simply shows the lack of respect to someone of such significance to Germany and is therefore not acceptable. In other areas of the Kreuzburg region, I witnessed cleaners trying to remove the graffiti in a residential neighbourhood, indicating the destruction and damage that graffiti can be. Highlighting the notion that vandalism and graffiti is illegal and indicates uncivilised behaviour (Irvine, 2008; Young, 2013).

May-Ayim-Ufer memorial plaque in Kreuzburg

A street in Kreuzburg, both abandoned and residential buildings have graffiti on them

However, the interpretation that ‘tagging’ doesn’t involve imagination and therefore is an act of destruction (Cabral, 2017), can be argued against. Mauer Park, translated to “Wall Park” as it was the former part of the Berlin Wall’s Death Strip, is a large hangout spot for youth and also a site where young people can express their identity through graffiti. Across the Wall there are many beautifully designed tags alongside art work – which I knew just had to feature in my next ‘gram post!

Mauer Park graffiti wall

Locals have purposefully changed the name of “Mohrenstrasse” which derives from the word ‘Moor’ – a derogative name for North African Muslims and changed it to “Möhrenstrasse” – simply meaning ‘carrot street’. This was part of the protest against colonial street names in Berlin, as locals were not happy with the reasoning of the government saying that it was too much to rename everything, so they decided to put matters into their own hands (The African Courier, 2017). Though using a seemingly destructive, they are using graffiti to deface public property in order to create a political stance against Germany colonial past.
The purpose of the graffiti and tagging highlight the complexities of street art and graffiti, as it doesn’t always have to be a form of political expression, but personal expression too. Young people, especially, are doing whatever they see fit to re-represent and change the identity of Berlin into a more vibrant and open one, following from such a horrific past (Till, 2005).

 

References and Suggested Reading
The African Courier (2017) Berlin to rename streets in honour of Miriam Makeba, Wangari Maathai. Available at: http://www.theafricancourier.de/living-in-germany/berlin-to-rename-streets-in-honour-of-miriam-makeba-wangari-maathai/ [Accessed 01/05/2018]
Berlin Street Art (2016) Berlin Street Art History – Where Graffiti Found Home. Available at: https://berlinstreetart.com/street-art-history-berlin-wall-graffiti/ [Accessed on 28/04/2018]
Cabral, M.T. (2017) A History of Street Art and Graffiti in Berlin. Available at: http://www.iheartberlin.de/2016/12/13/a-history-of-graffiti-and-street-art-in-berlin/ [Accessed 28/04/2018]
Irvine, M. (2008) The Work on the Street: Street Art and Visual Culture. Available at: http://faculty.georgetown.edu/irvinem/articles/Irvine-WorkontheStreet-1.pdf [Accessed 27/04/2018]
Kordic, A. (2015) Is Graffiti Art or Vandalism? Questions of Art, Advertising and Public Space. Available at: https://www.widewalls.ch/is-graffiti-art-or-vandalism/ [Accessed 01/05/2018]
Lorey, D. and Ganster, P. (2005) Borders and border politics in a globalizing world. Lanham: Scholarly Resources Books
Smith, S. (2000) ‘Graffiti’. In Pile, S. and Thrift, N.J. (Eds) City A-Z: Urban Fragments. Psychology Press. 86
Till, K.E. (2005) The new Berlin: Memory, politics, place. U of Minnesota Press
White, P. and Gutting, D. (1998) ‘Berlin: Social Convergences and Contrasts in the Reunited City’. Geography. 83(3), 214-226. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40573208 [Accessed 27/04/2018]
Young, A. (2013). Street art, public city: Law, Crime and the Urban Imagination. London: Routledge

 

 

 

My own thoughts and interpretations of Berlin’s architecture

Having visited Berlin several times before, I was sure that I already knew what Berlin has to offer and that the field trip would not reveal anything new to me about the city. I was wrong. Engaging with the city through a geopolitical lens and visiting places that I had not previously; I began to feel a new sense of appreciation for the city and in particular an appreciation for the symbolism wrapped up in the city’s architecture. From the moment we stepped onto the coach on our way to the hostel I began to reflect on the architecture and landscape of Berlin. At first the buildings just seemed grey and outdated. However, as the trip progressed so did my knowledge of Berlin’s architecture. The rest of this blog post is divided into two contrasting architectural features that stood out to me; The Reichstag and its surrounding area and the Berlin TV tower.

 

View of Berlin’s grey buildings from the S-bahn

The Reichstag

The Reichstag itself is a focal point. It is impossible to miss due to its sheer size and central location, just moments from the Brandenburg gate. Perhaps one of the most striking features of the Reichstag (apart from its size), is the glass dome that sits on top of the building at the centre. The glass dome can be accessed by the public at a small cost and offers far reaching views. The Reichstag represents and embodies more than just another tourist attraction. This is something I had not thought about in detail on my previous trips to Berlin. What if we begin to see the dome as representing something more? The dome could be perceived as representing Germany’s transparency to the world, representing change and democracy.

The Reichstag is surrounded by parliamentary buildings, including numerous embassies representing countries from all over the globe. The area proximate to it is an interesting claim to space. To me the buildings feel cold, regiment, modern, minimal and enormous in scale. When we stood on the large green empty space in front of the Reichstag, looking around at all the ginormous embassies, I felt slightly intimidated. We were told that when the German government moved back to Berlin, so did the embassies of other countries. This is very telling of their relationships to Germany and represents how these geopolitical relationships are often materialised.

The Reichstag

Side view of the German parliament building

Side view of the German parliament building

View of Marie-Elisabeth-Lueders-Haus

The TV Tower (Berlin’s skyline)

Throughout the fieldtrip one thing that came to my attention is that the TV Tower (Fernsehtrum) is the only landmark that can be seen from various points around the city. London, New York, Hong Kong; all these cities have distinctive skylines composed of a number of recognisable high rise buildings lighting up the sky. The TV tower is Berlin’s skyline. Built on the East side of Berlin in 1969 (The Local de, 2009), the TV tower was supposed to show off the technical achievements of socialism. Ironically, many of the building materials and mastermind behind its construction were not completed on Soviet territory. After learning about the tower’s symbolic significance, I became even more fascinated by it. The TV tower is not often looked at as a memory of the Cold War. It looks modern, futuristic and a great place to view the city from. I subconsciously took a copious amount of photos with the TV tower as the central backdrop (see images below), it was only after returning back to England that I noticed this. As a tourist, one looks at landscapes with interest and curiosity, in effect it is a strategy for the accumulation of photos (Urry, 1995). I wonder, how many other visitors to Berlin from around the world have photos of the TV tower from all its different angles and perspectives also, each one slightly different to the other.

View from our hostel room

View from the S-bahn

Taken near Alexanderplatz

View from Bernauer Strasse

Walks can provide us with a narrative structure of a place (Sidaway, 2009) and whilst walking through the streets of Berlin I formed my own narrative of the city. My narrative was also formed through my travels using a wide range of public transport systems, offering me unique perspectives on the city.

 

Suggested Further Reading

Cook, M. and Riemsdijk, M (2014). Agents of memorialization: Gunter Demnig’s Stolpersteine and the individual (re-)creation of a Holocaust landscape in Berlin. Journal of Historical Geography. 43(1), pp. 138-147.

Ladd, B (2000). Center and Periphery in the New Berlin: Architecture, Public Art, AND THE Search for Identity. PAJ: A Journal of Performance Art. 22(2), pp.7-21. 

Sidaway, J (2009). Shadows on the Path: Negotiating Geopolitics on an Urban Section of Britain’s South West Coast Path. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 27(1), pp.1091-1116.

 The Local de (2009). Berlin’s TV tower turns 40. Available at: https://www.thelocal.de/20091003/22323. (Last accessed 18th April 2018).

Urry, J (1995). The Tourist Gaze and the Environment. In: Urry, J Consuming Places. London: Routledge. pp.173-193.

Bearing responsibility as the symbol of Berlin.

Despite being in Berlin over Easter, rather than searching for chocolate bunnies, I was hunting for bears (metaphorically speaking). Pictured below is my excitement of finding my first bear, the novelty soon wore off after realising around every corner there was another bear waiting to be found.

(Collins, 2018)

For Berliners, the animal that is most celebrated is the bear, bears are carved into stone, on plaques and found within souvenir shops. Linguistically, the prominence of the bear is thought to arisen from the German word for bear (Bär) being phonetically similar to the first syllable in Berlin. The bear has been displayed upon the country’s coat of arms since 1280 and has been altered throughout history. Despite these alterations the bear remained central and is a recognised symbol of Berlin.

(Collins, 2018)

The photo shows bears across Berlin, the first is a stone monument located near Berlin University, the second is an advertisement for the construction of the U5 and the third is a picture of a souvenir shop window. The bear influenced Eva & Klaus Herlitz when seeking a canvas for their street art project. The largest bears across Berlin today are part of this project, designed to bring art to the metropolis of Berlin. Berlin is known for its bold gestures and this is no exception, more than 100 Buddy Bears were created in 2001 and placed across the metropolis (Herlitz and Herlitz, 2009). The Buddy Bears became symbolic of the wider movement towards the ‘urban reinvention’ (Colomb, 2013). The furry inhabitants became part of the marketing imagery and narrative of the city that promotes Berlin as a creative city. The project enabled a collective identity to emerge within Berlin, as the Buddy Bears symbolised the heritage of Berlin and focused on the shared culture as opposed to differences. This promoted the creative scene, presenting a version of Berlin staged for potential investors and tourists.

(Collins, 2018)

The photo above shows a Buddy Bear residing in the US embassy. In 2002, the project developed into a collaboration with the UN, the Buddy Bears evolved into symbols of tolerance and unity. Bears were commissioned to represent each of the 140 countries recognised by the UN, with each bear designed by indigenous artists (Buddy-Baer.com, 2018). As Berlin’s collective identity has been previously characterised by division and geopolitical tensions, the UN bears draw upon this turbulent past and creatively reconstruct it. The act of the bears touring the world illustrates how they have become part of the geopolitical identity of Berlin, to display Berlin as a city of tolerance and international understanding. The bears illustrate how Berlin’s national identity is called into existence and illuminates a collective identity of the city that is easier felt than articulated. Berlin’s history is highly politicised which the bears work to provide a positive representation of.

(Collins, 2018)

The photo above shows a bear within a souvenir shop below the TV Tower. As these bears have been separated and distributed across the capital and the globe, I struggled to see the bears as symbols of international solidarity. Instead I viewed the bears as a marketing tool for tourists. Each bear had become part of the urban fabric that surrounded it however, they were all visibly detached from one another. It seems that the symbol of the bears has changed from a symbol of international solidarity to a symbol of tourism. These thoughts were exemplified after finding the Capital Bears, which were initially created to reflect the life of the German capital and the history of the city.

(Collins, 2018)

The photo above shows the sheer delight of my peers after asking them to pose for the umpteenth time with another bear, yet the fame of featuring in a blog spurred them on. The second photo again illustrates how the Capital Bears have been more commonly used as doormen, representing the Park Inn rather than Prussian architecture. These Capital doorman bears have monopolised the symbol of the bear within Berlin to become a symbol of capitalism within the city. These Capital Bears visibly represent the shift in towards capitalising on the culture of Berlin as the metropolis of Germany.

(Collins, 2018)

The cartoon illustrates how I perceived the crisis of identity that the Berlin bears are experiencing. I considered the overarching representation of the bear to have developed into the global branding of Berlin, influencing tourism and enticing a ‘willingness to visit’ (Lee et al., 2012). The shift in the symbolism of the bears and their prominence within the city, illustrates how their materiality continues to uphold significant agency within Berlin’s urban assemblage.

 

References and Suggested Further Reading:

Buddy-baer.com. (2018). Buddy Bears – Start. [online] Available at: https://www.buddy-baer.com [Accessed 25 Apr. 2018].

Bolin, G. and Miazhevich, G., 2018. The soft power of commercialised nationalist symbols: Using media analysis to understand nation branding campaigns. European Journal of Cultural Studies.

Colomb, C., 2013. Staging the New Berlin: Place marketing and the politics of urban reinvention post-1989. Routledge.

Herlitz, E. and Herlitz, K., 2009. United Buddy Bears — The Art of Tolerance. Buddy Bär Berlin Publications.

Hull IV, R.B., Lam, M. and Vigo, G., 1994. Place identity: symbols of self in the urban fabric. Landscape and urban planning, 28(2-3), pp.109-120.

Lange, B., Kalandides, A., Stöber, B. and Mieg, H.A., 2008. Berlin’s creative industries: governing creativity?. Industry and Innovation, 15(5), pp.531-548.

Lee, S., Rodriguez, L. and Sar, S., 2012. The influence of logo design on country image and willingness to visit: A study of country logos for tourism. Public Relations Review, 38(4), pp.584-591.

Ladd, B., 2018. The ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German history in the urban landscape. University of Chicago Press.

‘New Berlin’ to me: Bikes, Trees and Political Sticker Art.

Visiting Berlin you were unable to escape the past. Every discussion incorporated the past; how do people interact with the past? What do people feel about the past? And how does Berlin remember the past?  Something questioned within: FLASH OF REMEMBERANCE OR GUILT  (VOA5, 2017).  As I struggled to articulate my first impressions, illustrated by the image below, I realised something was missing from my experience; an understanding of the present and the ‘New Berlin’.

(Mansfield,2017)

With this in mind I noticed three symbols of Berlins present; bikes, trees and political sticker art. They began to resonate with me, developing my understanding of Berlin’s identity today. The video below provides a glimpse into my experience and understanding of Berlin today, through the use of images and soundscapes that I encountered and collected.

 Bikes:

Whilst taking in Berlin’s past I was abruptly brought back to the present by the ringing of bicycle bells behind me, exemplified through the video and image below displaying my experience of the cities bike culture. The use of bikes is juxtaposed to the cities restricted past; as you learn about the divided history you look up and see the freedom of

Berlin Bike Culture (Mansfield,2017)

the present (Large, 2001). Even at memorials people were learning about the restricted past, whilst utilising the freedom of the present. The extensive network of bicycle lanes created to support the bike culture gives the city space a sense of freedom (Griffiths and Maile, 2014). The bike culture is incorporated within the tourist industry with rental bikes available outside many hotels, signifying how it has become part of Berlin’s identity today (Griffiths and Maile, 2014). Overloaded bike racks outside apartments across Berlin confirmed how it places centrally in the lives of Berliners today and the unification of the city (Kennedy, 2017). Bikes aided my understanding of Berlin today and the ‘New Berlin’, by displaying the strong feeling of freedom and movement throughout the city, so juxtaposed to its past and my imagined geographies of the city.

Trees:

Trees fill Berlin from memorials to residential areas and were interwoven into my experience of the city by providing a sense of resurrection to Berlin (Jones and Cloke, 2002), illustrated through the image below. Whilst many of the trees were part of

Tree Landscapes in Berlin  (Mansfield,2017)

the past they play a role in ‘New Berlin’ as they can symbolise the regrowth of Berlin through the reconstruction of the tree landscape (Environment, Transport and Climate Protection, 2017). Tree landscapes such as those in Berlin can be bound with many powerful cultural constructions due to their strong material and symbolic character (Jones and Cloke, 2002). Maintaining the tree landscape as it was before World War Two displays how the city has healed and grown into a new place whilst not hiding its past (Jones and Cloke, 2002). Today a tree numbering system has been adopted citywide, combining the city, a far cry from the past (Environment, Transport and Climate Protection, 2017).

 

Political sticker art:

The city is a canvas for political sticker art, something recorded by blogger Stickerkitty (StickerKitty, 2011). On every surface, you find the political ideologies of ‘New Berlin’, illustrated in the images below. Covering many political issues from national and trans-national identity to right-wing extremism, gentrification, surveillance and capitalism, the political freedom and geopolitical stand of the city is clear to see (Tedford, 2017). Contemporary sticker art against surveillance shows how the city stands strong against modern political concerns similar to those of the past, such as the strict surveillance of East Berlin (StickerKitty, 2011).

(Mansfield, 2017)

(Mansfield,2017)

 

 

Berlin today to me:

Berlin is a complex multicultural city that cannot be defined simply (Griffiths and Maile, 2014).These three aspects displayed in the image below, to me encapsulate ‘New Berlin’. They

(Mansfield,2017) 

combine to display the political, liberal and natural space I encountered that gave me my clear understanding of the city today. The combination of bikes, trees and sticker art, work together to display the identity and political stand of the city, as the free and unified city it is today (Kennedy, 2017). They provide a symbolic image of how far Berlin has evolved, to become a city in which its people are free in their movement’s, views and healed from the past.  Each of these elements played a part in the past but it is the new attitude that links these elements to ‘New Berlin’, such as creating a culture revolved around free movement, protecting the tree landscapes and the allowance and continued use of sticker art (Griffiths, D. and Maile,2014). However, it is important to consider the possible staging of ‘New Berlin’ something discussed within Clean Pavements Vs Rebellious Walls: Reinventing Berlin’s Reputation (Johnson, 2017). ‘New Berlin’ may have developed due to the interplay between place marketing and place making in contemporary urban governance (Colomb,2012), questioning, how real is ‘New Berlin’?

 

(Mansfield,2017)

 

Suggested Further Reading:

Colomb, C. (2012). Staging the New Berlin. 1st ed. London: Routledge.

Environment, Transport and Climate Protection (2017). City Trees. Available at: http://www.stadtentwicklung.berlin.de/umwelt/stadtgruen/stadtbaeume/en/schutz_pflege/index.shtml [Accessed 19 May 2017].

Griffiths, D. and Maile, S. (2014). ‘Britons in Berlin: Imagined Cityscapes, Affective Encounters and the Cultivation of the Self’, in: M. Benson and N. Osbaldiston, ed., Understanding Lifestyle Migration Theoretical Approaches to Migration and the Quest for a Better Way of Life, 1st ed. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.139-159.

Johnson, E. (2017). ‘Clean Pavements Vs Rebellious Walls: Reinventing Berlin’s Reputation’, Tracing Geopolitics in the Urban Landscape, 8 May. Available at: https://leicesterberlinfieldtrip.wordpress.com/2017/05/08/clean-pavements-vs-rebellious-walls-reinventing-berlins-reputation/ [Accessed 8 May 2017].

Jones, O. and Cloke, P. (2002). Tree cultures: the place of trees and trees in their place. 1st ed. Oxford: Berg.

Kennedy, S. (2017). Bike city: Berlin: Community unification. Treadlie, (20), pp.74-80.

Large, D. (2001). Berlin. 1st ed. London: Penguin.

StickerKitty (2011). ‘Surveillance, monitoring, and control stickers in Berlin’, StickerKitty, 3 January. Available at: https://stickerkitty.com/2011/01/03/surveillance-monitoring-and-control-stickers/ [Accessed 19 May 2017].

Tedford, C. (2017). Takin’ It to the Streets and Stickin’ It to the Man: Contemporary Sticker Art as Social and Political Protest. A11.cgpublisher.com. Available at: http://a11.cgpublisher.com/proposals/143/index_html [Accessed 19 May 2017].

VOA5 (2017). ‘Flash of Remembrance or Guilt?’, Tracing Geopolitics in the Urban Landscape, 7 May.  Available at: https://leicesterberlinfieldtrip.wordpress.com/2017/05/07/flash-of-remembrance-or-guilt/ [Accessed 7 May 2017].

 

(Sub) terranian spaces of Berlin

The cityscape of Berlin is well documented, with the famous memorials, historical buildings and Berlin wall dominating the ever-increasing tourist gaze (Urry, 2002). However, there is also an intriguing subterranean world in Berlin that should not be overlooked, found in the charismatic U Bahn system. Public spaces such as these are often branded as placeless spaces (Seamon & Sowers, 2008). However, the U Bahn network in Berlin appears to have negated this issue. I spent some time during my visit documenting a few of the stations I frequented, to illustrate how this has been achieved, and to reveal how the U Bahn’s idiosyncratic designs offer fascinating insights into the identity Berlin possesses.

1)This image displays the art installation found on the surfaces of the Westhafen U Bahn station. The station walls are adorned with the words of the human rights declaration (1948). Reflecting Berlin’s attempt to disassociate itself from the fascist rule that resulted in its formation. The typographical style of the words and the design (Bauhaus) also reflects the city’s rejection of Nazi tyranny which attempted to suppress these artistic styles (Inscribe, 2014). Hence, the subterranean station reflects how the city is attempting to learn from the past horrors it has witnessed, while also inferring the cities new-found artistic sovereignty.

2) This is was taken at the Heinrich-Heine-Straße situated in the hipster capital of Berlin: Kreuzberg. The platform had a utilitarian feeling with little to gaze upon, suggesting the unassuming past of this region. However, the entrance to the station was awash with vibrancy, produced through the intricate graffiti that has been plastered across its entrance. The graffiti in the station, correlates with the countercultural spirit that has come to define this former enclave of West Germany. Kreuzberg is now renowned for its saturated walls portraying political messages and transforming urban spaces (Samutina & Zaporozhets, 2015). This mantra has clearly transcended into the subterranean world of its U Bahn network and definitely is worth a look.

3) This is the eerie Nordbahnhof station, which sits underneath former ‘No mans land’.  The image depicts the display there commemorating the spaces past reputation as a ghost station for West Berliners. The exhibit reminds current travellers of the pervasive nature of the division that came to define Berlin from 1961 to 1990. In doing so, the Nordbahnhof U bahn denotes how the ideological clash that materialised in Berlin transcended all aspects of public life, even the subway. Furthermore, the notion of a ghost station, epitomises the very nature of the cold war of which this station was on the front line. The accessibility of information today however, implies the Berlin’s newfound unity and commemorative instinct.

 4) This image was taken at the U-Bahnhof Afrikanische Straße which is in the North Westerly borough of Wedding. The African landscape depicted in the image is one of an assortment of archetypical African scenes displayed in this otherwise simplistic station. The African theme is an acknowledgement of the migrants of African heritage who have settled in the district, and thus serves to imply how the city has come to accept and celebrate the rich diversity of the 3.5 million Berliners. Although, the colonial connotations found in the street names of the Wedding district is still subject to debate as the city wrangles with its exploitative colonial past.

  

 5) The final image was taken at the Märkisches Museum U Bahn. The picture displays one of the maps adorning the walls of the station commissioned by the GDR in 1988. The maps plot the city’s development; from its genesis of two separate settlements in 1237, to representations of the city in the late 80’s (as seen by the GDR, deliberately omitting the Western part of the city). Hence, the subterranean space evokes the cities historical identity while simultaneously displaying how memories and representations of Berlin were permeated by geopolitics. Definitely worth checking out next time you visit, next to the Municipal Museum.

Clearly, Berlin boasts an enchanting city scape that should be visited as it  withholds powerful symbols of Germany (and Europe’s) turbulent history. However, I hope this blog has made a good case for the subterranean spaces of the U Bahn to be included in the tourist gaze, due to their charismatic nature and ability to provide fascinating windows into the development of the Berlin we know today. The five stations alone inferred the cities peaceful nature, its counter cultural tolerance, it’s divided past, its diversity and its primitive beginnings. So next time you visit Berlin make sure to study the subterranean spaces as well.

 

Bibliography

Samutina, N. Zaporozhets, O., (2015) ‘Berlin, The City of Saturated Walls’, Laboratorium, 7 (2), p.p 36-61

Seamon, D. Sowers, J., (2008) ‘Place and placelessness (1976): Edward Relph’, IN Hubbard, P. Kitchin, R. Valentine, G., (2008) Key texts in Human Geography, Sage: London, p.p 43-52

Urry, J., (2002) (2nd ed) ‘The Tourist Gaze’, London: Sage

Laura Horelli’s Namibia Today Exhibition

On February 19  2017, the Namibia Today exhibition located on the Schillingstrasse Underground Station, was at last revealed to the public.

 

Figure 1: Namibia Today exhibition at Schillingstrasse Underground Station

18 eye-catching posters of the former Namibia Today Journal have been displayed at the Schillingstrasse Underground Station. Laura Horelli, the Finnish Berlin-based artist behind the exhibition, assembled posters depicting the liberation struggles in Zimbabwe, South Africa and Namibia, accompanied by written extracts which detail the journals historical links with the German Democratic Republic.  The posters prompted my curiosity to learn more about Germany’s hidden histories and the city’s connections with distant places, particularly Germany’s colonial past and the impact that African bodies have had on the current political and cultural landscape of Germany.

Throughout my time in Berlin, a mere 6 days, I noticed memorials dedicated to holocaust victims, Soviet soldiers and one for the homosexuals persecuted under Nazism. What became apparent, was the absence of spaces dedicated to black victims of the war. There were no permanent structures or sites commemorating these victims.

I came across the Namibia Today exhibition a few days prior to my departure and was completely taken aback by its presence, as I was convinced that such spaces were non-existent. The history behind the exhibition is one centred on the GDR’s post-World War relations with African states. To provide some context, following the partition of Germany into East (Soviet Bloc) and West, West Germany quickly garnered international recognition due its political associations with the United States and France (the Allies). In an attempt to acquire the same sovereign status as West Germany, GDR forged political links with newly independent states of the Third World, whom in return supported their quest for international acknowledgement. By 1980, East Germany had formed diplomatic links with 46 of the 49 OAU (Organisation of African Unity) states.

Figure 2: Namibia Today Exhibition at Schillingstrasse Underground Station

Situated in former East Berlin, the exhibition is a symbolic representation of East Germany’s historical ties with South West Africa, known today as Namibia. During Namibia’s struggle for independence, SWAPO (South West Africa’s People Organisation), like other Southern African liberation armies, operated in exile. East Germany’s support was therefore, a key factor in sustaining the Organisations efforts. Whilst the editorial board of the journal operated underground in Luanda (Angola), reports relating to the struggle for independence were being mass printed by the organisation Druckerei Fortschritt, in Erfurt, former East Germany.

Laura Horelli uses her exhibition to merge Germany’s overwhelming support for Namibia with its bleak historical past. Horelli simultaneously introduces us to Germany’s links with Africa, whilst leaving room for the audience to critique this narrative. The title ‘Namibia Today’, evokes curiosity about Namibia’s Past. What Namibia is today, is largely the result of Germany’s fleeting colonial rule of South West Africa (1884-1915). Between 1904 and 1908 the German genocide of the Herero and Nama people claimed more than 80% of the Herero community. Namibia has often been referred to as Germany’s testing ground for the Jewish holocaust. Horelli attempts to communicate a message that remains hidden from the wider public; present-day Germany cannot be understood without confronting its dark colonial past. 

Figure 3: Steinmetz and Hell (2006) National Archives of Namibia, Concentration Camp located on Shark Island, 1906-07

Germany’s present denial of colonial atrocities is largely the result of Cold War politics. As East and West Germany attempted to forge their own unique national identities, the GDR attached both World Wars and colonial responsibilities on to the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and its capitalist allies. In this way, the GDR managed to reconstruct a new identity as an “anti-colonial” and “anti-fascist” ally of the Third World, and equally parted with their colonial responsibility.

The Herero and Nama people to this day are waiting for an official apology. A recent article by Onishi (2016), titled Germany Grapples with its African genocide, puts into perspective how Germany’s delayed response is being perceived by Herero and Nama communities.

“The only difference is that the Jewish are white in colour and we are black,” says Kambazembi (51), a Herero chief whose great-grandparents escaped during the genocide.

 Figure 4: Steinmetz and Hell (2006) National Archives of Namibia: Ovaherero people surrendering to Germans, 1904-05.

Germany’s refusal to pay reparations and accept responsibility is being viewed as a disregard for black lives. Herero and Nama communities frequently refer to Germany’s forthcoming acceptance of their wrongdoings in the Word Wars and the billions ($) paid in the form of reparations to the Allies and victims of the holocaust. They in turn, are demanding the same acknowledgement.

The Namibia Today exhibition marks some progress in communicating Germany’s colonial and post-colonial relations with African states. However, more needs to be done to address and accept its former colonial relations as an integral part of past and present day Germany.

 

References and suggestions for further reading

Hall, S. (2000) ‘The multicultural question’, in Hasse, B. (ed.) Un/settled multiculturalisms: Diasporas, Entanglements, Transruptions. London:  Zed Press, 209-242.

Harring, S. L. (2001). German reparations to the Herero nation: An assertion of Herero nationhood in the path of Namibian development. W. Va. L. Rev., 104, 393.

Kuhns, W. J. (1985). The German Democratic Republic in Africa. East European Quarterly, 19(2), 219.

Onishi, Norimitsu (2016) ‘Germany Grapples With Its African Genocide’, The New York Times, 29 December [ONLINE]. Available at: (https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/29/world/africa/germany-genocide-namibia-holocaust.html?_r=0) Accessed 29/03/17.

Steinmetz, G., & Hell, J. (2006). The visual archive of colonialism: Germany and Namibia. Public culture, 18(1), 147.